The period between the end of World War II and the founding of the State of Israel, was a pivotal chapter for the Middle East — it would forever alter the course of history. The era was marked by escalating tensions in Palestine under the British Mandate and intense geopolitical shifts. The involvement of the United Nations and the subsequent partition plan were critical to laying the foundation of the future. In the post-Shoah world, Britain was struggling with a devastated economy and was overly burdened with the costs — both human and capital — of administering overseas territories. Britain, further, was unable to reconcile its promises to the Jews and to the Arabs.
“The Zionist dream we interminably worked for was recognized by the United Nations. Zionism would no longer be merely a far-off aspiration; it would be a reality.”
— Hadassah
To the Jews, the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate itself was clear. To the Arabs, they thought they would get an independent Palestine that ignored the earlier promises of creating a space for the Jews. With the position of the British government, as in its 1939 White Paper, under intense international scrutiny, —especially after the revelations of the Shoah — and its declining imperial resources, the stage was set for the international community to intercede.
Intercession was necessary, by this point there were millions of displaced persons in Europe — many of whom were Jewish survivors of the Shoah — and they needed a home. These individuals faced rampant antisemitism and destroyed communities. Frankly, they had little desire to remain in a place with so many horrifically painful memories. The pressure to allow immigration of Jews into Palestine intensified in proportion.
Much like the Arabs had done both previously and contemporaneously, the Zionist movement organized extrajudicial immigration into Palestine by Jews through efforts known as the Aliyah Bet, circumventing British-imposed restrictions.
Simultaneously, Zionist leaders, such as David Ben-Gurion, lobbied internationally for increased immigration quotas. The United States eventually supported the call for 100,000 Jews to be allowed to immigrate to Palestine, reflecting growing public sympathy to the Jewish plight.
Though not everyone was on board with this. The Arab population in Palestine vehemently opposed further immigration by Jews and even any discussion of the idea of a Jewish state. The Arab Higher Committee, under al-Husseini, demanded both an immediate end to the immigration and the creation of an independent Arab state.
This push towards a nationalist identity coalesced in Palestine as a distinct Arab identity rooted in the desire to oppose Zionist aspirations. Discontent with the status quo — political leadership and the growing, self-sufficient Jewish community — continued to manifest itself through strikes, protests, violence, and the formation of paramilitary groups. Eventually the Arab League, formed in 1945, would become a platform for Arab states to coordinate their opposition against the Jews.
The Zionist camp was split into two main factions. The first, led by the Jewish Agency and Ben-Gurion, advocated for pragmatic solutions. They were open to the idea of a partition or a binational state, as long as it established a Jewish state and received international recognition. The other groups, primarily led by the paramilitary organization Irgun, was a movement founded by Ze’ev Jabotinsky and led by Menachem Begin, which sought a Jewish state on both sides of the Jordan River and would accept no limits on Jewish sovereignty. These groups were more militant in their approach, targeting British installations and personnel — aiming to encourage the British to relinquish its control over Palestine.
Britain Steps Back from Palestine
The British came to the realization that they could no longer hope to control Palestine. In 1947, unable to find an acceptable resolution with both the Jews and the Arabs, they announced their intention to dissolve the mandate and referred the matter to the United Nations.
The UN established the Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) under resolution of the General Assembly. The committee — comprised of representatives from eleven countries — toured Palestine, visited camps of displaced persons in Europe, and took input from people on the ground and from organizations both in Palestine and abroad. Though some Arabs gave testimonies to the UN organ, the Arab Higher Committee boycotted the effort in an attempt to delegitimize the work of UNSCOP and to avoid even the appearance of its being willing to accept a Jewish state.
After months of UNSCOP’s investigations, the committee authored two proposals for the future governance of Palestine. The first of these, supported by a majority of the special committee, was partition. In this, they envisioned 55% of the Mandate’s territory being governed by the Jews and the remaining 45% to be given to the Arabs, with an economic union between the two states — to manage shared resources, such as infrastructure, currency, and transportation. The plan called for Jerusalem to be governed directly by the United Nations as an international city, due to its importance to Christians, Jews, and Muslims. The other proposal, accepted by only a minority of the committee, was for a federal state where both groups — Jews and Arabs — would live under a single government, but with autonomous regions.
This model aimed to preserve Palestine’s territorial integrity, while acknowledging the distinct aims of both groups. Under this proposal, the federal government would handle areas of mutual interest — defense, foreign policy, infrastructure, and the like — and the autonomous regions would handle their own internal affairs through local governments.
United Nations Votes for Partition
The General Assembly debated, albeit acrimoniously, the proposals put forth by UNSCOP. The Arab nations were vitriolically opposed to both proposals — they warned the General Assembly that they would under no circumstances ever accept the reality of a Jewish state. Though Britain remained neutral, citing their responsibilities under the Mandate and their impending withdrawal, other countries voiced support. In particular, the United States endorsed the partition plan — pressured by domestic political support and by humanitarian concerns for the Jewish refugees. The Soviet Union also came out in support of the partition; though, their motivations were less about supporting the Jews and more about diminishing British influence in the region and their own desire to get a foothold in the region.
On November 29, 1947, the United Nations’ General Assembly voted on resolution 181. It passed with 33 votes in favor, 13 against, and 10 abstentions. The resolution, number 181, set a legal basis for the foundation of independent Jewish and Arab states, set a timeline for British withdrawal, and provided a framework for the dissolution for the mandate. In concurrence with the resolution, the British government announced that it would leave Palestine on May 14, 1948.
The mainstream Jews accepted the impending partition — though with some reservations regarding the status of Jerusalem and the borders — as a pragmatic solution. Dissidents within the Zionist ranks held these, and other, reservations in greater degrees, yet they banded together to focus on the opportunity to establish sovereignty. Jewish organizations started to focus on building the institutions necessary for a successful state. They created governmental agencies, defense forces, policy workshops, and plans for immigration.
Needless to say, the Arab world was not happy with the UN resolution. The multinational Arab League declared the plan fundamentally invalid and vowed to thwart its implementation by any and all means necessary — increasing Arab immigration and threatening violence. The Arab Higher Committee, representing Arabs living in Palestine, also outright rejected the partition.
Violence broke out immediately, with Arab mobs attacking Jews all over the region, and this escalated even further as Jewish militia groups quickly retaliated — unsurprisingly leading to a civil war in Palestine.
Worldwide, the reactions were roughly the same as within the General Assembly. Jews and other Zionists were jubilant, most of the Western powers and their citizens had mixed feelings of support and concern for potential instability, and the populace of Arab nations were aghast. Further illegal Arab immigration into the Palestinian territory was pushed as a response, and helped to fuel the violence.
War Erupts as Statehood Nears
As the British planned and executed their withdrawal in stages, their influence rapidly waned. The absence of their power left vacuums that only further fueled tensions. British troops faced hostility from both Arab and Jewish factions. As their ability to maintain order diminished, they often refrained from trying to intervene amidst the escalating violence.
The civil war that rocked Palestine in 1947 and 1948 broke out almost immediately with the news of the UN vote. Armed groups, from both Arab and Jewish communities, targeted strategic locations, infrastructure, and civilians of the opposing factions. The Jewish Haganah transformed into a more organized military force — later becoming the Israel Defense Forces. They implemented “Plan Dalet,” an effort whose aim was to secure the territory allotted to the Jewish state and ensure strategic advantages. Palestinian Arab forces, though less organized, received support from the Arab Liberation Army. This support consisted of volunteers from neighboring countries, materiel, and financial resources. However, internal divisiveness and lack of coordination hampered their effectiveness. Major cities, like Haifa and Jaffa, saw significant battles — and these led to significant numbers of Arabs abandoning their homes to flee. Beyond those that left voluntarily, thousands more were forced into exile.